Page 156 of 159
15 (return)
[ NOTE O, p. 298. That
Laud’s severity was not extreme, appears from this feet, that he caused
the acts or records of the high commission court to be searched, and found
that there had been fewer suspensions, deprivations, and other
punishments, by three, during the seven years of his time, than hi any
seven years of his predecessor, Abbott, who was, notwithstanding, in great
esteem with the house of commons. Troubles and Trials of Laud, p. 164. But
Abbot was little attached to the court, and was also a Puritan in
doctrine, and bore a mortal hatred to the Papists. Not to mention, that
the mutinous spirit was rising higher in the time of Laud, and would less
bear control. The maxims, however, of his administration were the same
that had ever prevailed in England, and that had place in every other
European nation, except Holland, which studied chiefly the interests of
commerce, and France, which was fettered by edicts and treaties. To have
changed them for the modern maxims of toleration, how reasonable soever,
would have been deemed a very bold and dangerous enterprise. It is a
principle advanced by President Montesquieu, that where the magistrate, is
satisfied with the established religion, he ought to repress the first
attempts towards innovation, and only grant a toleration to sects that are
diffused and established. See L’Esprit des Loix, liv. 25, chap. 10.
According to this principle, Laud’s indulgence to the Catholics, and
severity to the Puritans, would admit of apology. I own, however, that it
is very questionable, whether persecution can in any case be justified;
but, at the same time, it would be hard to give that appellation to Laud’s
conduct, who only enforced the act of uniformity, and expelled the
clergymen that accepted of benefices, and yet refused to observe the
ceremonies which they previously knew to be enjoined by law. He never
refused them separate places of worship, because they themselves would
have esteemed it impious to demand them, and no less impious to allow
them.]
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[ NOTE P, p. 319. Dr. Birch
has written a treatise on this subject It is not my business to oppose any
facts contained in that gentleman’s performance. I shall only produce
arguments, which prove that Glamorgan, when he received his private
commission, had injunctions from the king to net altogether in concert
with Ormond. 1. It seems to be implied in the very words of the
commission. Glamorgan is empowered and authorized to treat and conclude
with the confederate Roman Catholics in Ireland. “If upon necessity any
(articles) be condescended unto, wherein the king’s lieutenant cannot so
well be seen in, as not fit for us at present publicly to own.” Here no
articles are mentioned which are not fit to be communicated to Ormond, but
only not fit for him and the king publicly to be seen in, and to avow. 2.
The king’s protestation to Ormond ought, both on account of that prince’s
character, and the reasons he assigns, to have the greatest weight. The
words are these: “Ormond, I cannot but add to my long letter, that, upon
the word of a Christian, I never intended Glamorgan should treat any thing
without your approbation, much less without your knowledge. For besides
the injury to you, I was always diffident of his judgment (though I could
not think him so extremely weak as now to my cost I have found;) which you
may easily perceive in a postscript of a letter of mine to you.” Carte,
vol. ii. App. xxiii. It is impossible that any man of honor, however he
might dissemble with his enemies, would assert a falsehood in so solemn a
manner to his best friend, especially where that person must have had
opportunities of knowing the truth. The letter, whose postscript is
mentioned by the king, is to be found in Carte, vol. ii. App. xiii. 3. As
the king had really so low an opinion of Glamorgan’s understanding, it is
very unlikely that he would trust him with the sole management of so
important and delicate a treaty. And if he had intended that Glamorgan’s
negotiation should have been independent of Ormond, he would never have
told the latter nobleman of it, nor have put him on his guard against
Glamorgan’s imprudence. That the king judged aright of this nobleman’s
character, appears from his Century of Arts, or Scantling of Inventions,
which is a ridiculous compound of Hes, chimeras, and impossibilities, and
shows what might be expected from such a man. 4. Mr. Carte has published a
whole series of the king’s correspondence with Ormond, from the time that
Glamorgan came into Ireland; and it is evident that Charles all along
considers the lord lieutenant as the person who was conducting the
negotiations with the Irish. The 31st of July, 1645, after the battle of
Naseby, being reduced to great straits, he writes earnestly to Ormond, to
conclude a peace upon certain conditions mentioned, much inferior to those
granted by Glamorgan; and to come over himself with all the Irish he could
engage in his service. Carte, vol. iii. No. 400. This would have been a
great absurdity, if he had already fixed a different canal, by which, on
very different conditions, he purposed to establish a peace On the 22d of
October, as his distresses multiply, he somewhat enlarges the conditions,
though they still fall short of Glamorgan’s; a new absurdity! See Carte,
vol. iii. p. 411. 5. But What is equivalent to a demonstration that
Glamorgan was conscious that he had no powers to conclude a treaty on
these terms, or without consulting the lord lieutenant, and did not even
expect that the king would ratify the articles, is the defeasance which he
gave to the Irish council at the time of signing the treaty. “The earl of
Glamorgan does no way intend hereby to oblige his majesty other than he
himself shall please, after he has received these ten thousand men as a
pledge and testimony of the said Roman Catholics’ loyalty and fidelity to
his majesty; yet he promises faithfully, upon his word and honor, not to
acquaint his majesty with this defeasance, till he had endeavored, as far
as in him lay, to induce his majesty to the granting of the particulars in
the said articles; but that done, the said commissioners discharge the
said earl of Glamorgan, both in honor and conscience, of any further
engagement to them therein; though his majesty should not be pleased to
grant the said particulars in the articles mentioned; the said earl having
given them assurance, upon his word, honor, and voluntary oath, that he
would never, to any person whatsoever, discover this defeasance in the
interim without their consents.” Dr. Birch, p. 96. All Glamorgan’s view
was to get troops for the king’s service without hurting his own honor or
his master’s. The wonder only is, why the Irish accepted of a treaty which
bound nobody, and which the very person who concludes it, seems to confess
he does not expect to be ratified. They probably hoped that the king
would, from their services, be more easily induced to ratify a treaty
which was concluded, than to consent to its conclusion. 6. I might add,
that the lord lieutenant’s concurrence in the treaty was the more
requisite, because without it the treaty could not be carried into
execution by Glamorgan, nor the Irish troops be transported into England;
and even with Ormond’s concurrence, it clearly appears, that a treaty so
ruinous to the Protestant religion in Ireland, could not be executed in
opposition to the zealous Protestants in that kingdom. No one can doubt of
this truth, who peruses Ormond’s correspondence in Mr. Carte. The king was
sufficiently apprised of this difficulty. It appears indeed to be the only
reason why Ormond objected to the granting of high terms to the Irish
Catholics.
Dr. Birch (in p. 360) has published a letter of the
king’s to Glamorgan, where he says, “Howbeit I know you cannot be but
confident of my making good all instructions and promises to you and the
nuncio.” But it is to be remarked, that this letter is dated in April 6th,
1646; after there had been a new negotiation entered into between
Glamorgan and the Irish, and after a provisional treaty had even been
concluded between them. See Dr. Birch, p. 179. The king’s assurances,
therefore, can plainly relate only to this recent transaction. The old
treaty had long been disavowed by the king, and supposed by all parties to
be annulled.]