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While I thus was far more obnoxious to the Tory interest, and to many Conservative Liberals than I had formerly been, the course I pursued in Parliament had by no means been such as to make Liberals generally at all enthusiastic in my support. It has already been mentioned, how large a proportion of my prominent appearances had been on questions on which I differed from most of the Liberal party, or about which they cared little, and how few occasions there had been on which the line I took was such as could lead them to attach any great value to me as an organ of their opinions. I had moreover done things which had excited, in many minds, a personal prejudice against me. Many were offended by what they called the persecution of Mr. Eyre: and still greater offence was taken at my sending a subscription to the election expenses of Mr. Bradlaugh. Having refused to be at any expense for my own election, and having had all its expenses defrayed by others, I felt under a peculiar obligation to subscribe in my turn where funds were deficient for candidates whose election was desirable. I accordingly sent subscriptions to nearly all the working class candidates, and among others to Mr. Bradlaugh. He had the support of the working classes; having heard him speak, I knew him to be a man of ability and he had proved that he was the reverse of a demagogue, by placing himself in strong opposition to the prevailing opinion of the democratic party on two such important subjects as Malthusianism and Personal Representation. Men of this sort, who, while sharing the democratic feelings of the working classes, judged political questions for themselves, and had courage to assert their individual convictions against popular opposition, were needed, as it seemed to me, in Parliament, and I did not think that Mr. Bradlaugh's anti-religious opinions (even though he had been intemperate in the expression of them) ought to exclude him. In subscribing, however, to his election, I did what would have been highly imprudent if I had been at liberty to consider only the interests of my own re-election; and, as might be expected, the utmost possible use, both fair and unfair, was made of this act of mine to stir up the electors of Westminster against me. To these various causes, combined with an unscrupulous use of the usual pecuniary and other influences on the side of my Tory competitor, while none were used on my side, it is to be ascribed that I failed at my second election after having succeeded at the first. No sooner was the result of the election known than I received three or four invitations to become a candidate for other constituencies, chiefly counties; but even if success could have been expected, and this without expense, I was not disposed to deny myself the relief of returning to private life. I had no cause to feel humiliated at my rejection by the electors; and if I had, the feeling would have been far outweighed by the numerous expressions of regret which I received from all sorts of persons and places, and in a most marked degree from those members of the liberal party in Parliament, with whom I had been accustomed to act.
Since that time little has occurred which there is need to commemorate in this place. I returned to my old pursuits and to the enjoyment of a country life in the south of Europe, alternating twice a year with a residence of some weeks or months in the neighbourhood of London. I have written various articles in periodicals (chiefly in my friend Mr. Morley's Fortnightly Review), have made a small number of speeches on public occasions, especially at the meetings of the Women's Suffrage Society, have published the Subjection of Women, written some years before, with some additions [by my daughter and myself,] and have commenced the preparation of matter for future books, of which it will be time to speak more particularly if I live to finish them. Here, therefore, for the present, this memoir may close.
1 (return)
[ In a subsequent stage of
boyhood, when these exercises had ceased to be compulsory, like most
youthful writers I wrote tragedies; under the inspiration not so much of
Shakspeare as of Joanna Baillie, whose Constantine Paleologus in
particular appeared to me one of the most glorious of human compositions.
I still think it one of the best dramas of the last two centuries.]
2 (return)
[ The continuation of this
article in the second number of the Review was written by me under
my father's eye, and (except as practice in composition, in which respect
it was, to me, more useful than anything else I ever wrote) was of little
or no value.]
3 (return)
[ Written about 1861.]
4 (return)
[ The steps in my mental
growth for which I was indebted to her were far from being those which a
person wholly uninformed on the subject would probably suspect. It might
be supposed, for instance, that my strong convictions on the complete
equality in all legal, political, social, and domestic relations, which
ought to exist between men and women, may have been adopted or learnt from
her. This was so far from being the fact, that those convictions were
among the earliest results of the application of my mind to political
subjects, and the strength with which I held them was, as I believe, more
than anything else, the originating cause of the interest she felt in me.
What is true is that, until I knew her, the opinion was in my mind little
more than an abstract principle. I saw no more reason why women should be
held in legal subjection to other people, than why men should. I was
certain that their interests required fully as much protection as those of
men, and were quite as little likely to obtain it without an equal voice
in making the laws by which they were bound. But that perception of the
vast practical bearings of women's disabilities which found expression in
the book on the Subjection of Women was acquired mainly through her
teaching. But for her rare knowledge of human nature and comprehension of
moral and social influences, though I should doubtless have held my
present opinions, I should have had a very insufficient perception of the
mode in which the consequences of the inferior position of women
intertwine themselves with all the evils of existing society and with all
the difficulties of human improvement. I am indeed painfully conscious of
how much of her best thoughts on the subject I have failed to reproduce,
and how greatly that little treatise falls short of what it would have
been if she had put on paper her entire mind on this question, or had
lived to revise and improve, as she certainly would have done, my
imperfect statement of the case.]
