Page 161 of 163
7 (return)
[ NOTE G, p. 233. This story
of the six burgesses of Calais, like all other extraordinary stories, is
somewhat to be suspected; and so much the more as Avesbury, (p. 167,) who
is particular in his narration of the surrender of Calais, says nothing of
it; and, on the contrary, extols in general the king’s generosity and
lenity to the inhabitants. The numberless mistakes of Froissard,
proceeding either from negligence, credulity, or love of the marvellous,
invalidate very much his testimony, even though he was a contemporary, and
though his history was dedicated to Queen Philippa herself. It is a
mistake to imagine, that the patrons of dedications read the books, much
less vouch for all the contents of them. It is not a slight testimony that
should make us give credit to a story so dishonorable to Edward,
especially after that proof of his humanity, in allowing a free passage to
all the women, children, and infirm people, at the beginning of the siege:
at least, it is scarcely to be believed, that, if the story has any
foundation, he seriously meant to execute his menaces against the six
townsmen of Calais.]
8 (return)
[ NOTE H, p. 236. There was a
singular instance, About this time, of the prevalence of chivalry and
gallantry in the nations of Europe. A solemn duel of thirty knights
against thirty was fought between Bembrwigh, as Englishman, and
Beaumanoir, a Breton, of the party of Charles of Blois, The knights of the
two nations came into the field; and before the combat began, Beaumanoir
called out, that it would be seen that day who had the fairest mistresses.
After a bloody combat, the Bretons prevailed; and gained for their prize,
full liberty to boast of their mistresses’ beauty. It is remarkable, that
two such famous generals as Sir Robert Knolles and Sir Hugh Calverley drew
their swords in this ridiculous contest. See Pere Daniel, vol. ii. p.536,
537, etc. The women not only instigated the champions to those rough, if
not bloody frays of tournament, but also frequented the tournaments during
all the reign of Edward, whose spirit of gallantry encouraged this
practice. See Knyghton, p. 2597.]
9 (return)
[ NOTE I, p. 253. This is a
prodigious sum, and probably near the half of what the king received from
the parliament during the whole course of his reign. It must be remarked,
that a tenth and fifteenth (which was always thought a high grant) were,
in the eighth year of this reign, fixed at about twenty-nine thousand
pounds; there were said to be near thirty thousand sacks of wool exported
every year. A sack of wool was at a medium sold for five pounds. Upon
these suppositions it would be easy to compute all the parliamentary
grants, taking the list as they stand in Tyrrel, vol. iii. p. 780; though
somewhat must still be left to conjecture. This king levied more money on
his subjects than any of his predecessors; and the parliament frequently
complain of the poverty of the people, and the oppressions under which
they labored. But it is to be remarked, that a third of the French king’s
ransom was yet unpaid when war broke out anew between the two crowns. His
son chose rather to employ his money in combating the English, than in
enriching them. See Rymer, vol. viii. p. 315.]
11 (return)
[ NOTE K, p. 281. In the
fifth year of the king, the commons complained of the government about the
king’s person, his court, the excessive number of his servants, of the
abuses in the chancery, king’s bench, common pleas, exchequer, and of
grievous oppressions in the country, by the great multitudes of
maintainers of quarrels, (men linked in confederacies together,) who
behaved themselves like kings in the country, so as there was very little
law or right, and of other things which they said were the cause of the
late commotions under Wat Tyler. Parl. Hist. vol. i. p. 365. This
irregular government, which no king and no house of commons had been able
to remedy, was the source of the licentiousness of the great, and
turbulency of the people, as well as tyranny of the princes. If subjects
would enjoy liberty, and kings security, the laws must be executed.
In the ninth of this reign, also the commons discovered an accuracy and a
jealousy of liberty, which we should little expect in those rude times.
“It was agreed by parliament,” says Cotton, (p.309), “that the subsidy of
wools, woolfels, and skins, granted to the king until the time of
midsummer then ensuing, should cease from the same time unto the feast of
St. Peter ‘ad vincula’ for that thereby the king should be interrupted for
claiming such grant as due.” See also Cotton, p. 198.]
12 (return)
[ NOTE L, p. 290. Knyghton,
p. 2715, etc. The same author (p. 2680) tells us, that the king, in return
to the message, said, that he would not for their desire remove the
meanest scullion from his kitchen. This author also tells us, that the
king said to the commissioners, when they harangued him, that he saw his
subjects were rebellious, and his best way would be to call in the king of
France to his aid. But it is plain that all these speeches were either
intended by Knyghton merely as an ornament to his history, or are false.
For (1.) when the five lords accuse the king’s ministers in the next
parliament, and impute to them every rash action of the king, they speak
nothing of these replies, which are so obnoxious, were so recent, and are
pretended to have been so public. (2.) The king, so far from having any
connections at that time with France, was threatened with a dangerous
invasion from that kingdom. This story seems to have been taken from the
reproaches afterwards thrown out against him, and to have been transferred
by the historian to this time, to which they cannot be applied.]
13 (return)
[ NOTE M, p. 295. We must
except the twelfth article, which accuses Brembre of having cut off the
heads of twenty-two prisoners confined for felony or debt, without warrant
or process of law; but as it is not conceivable what interest Brembre
could have to treat these felons and debtors in such a manner, we may
presume that the fact is either false or misrepresented. It was in these
men’s power to say any thing against the persons accused. No defence or
apology was admitted; all was lawless will and pleasure.
They
are also accused of designs to murder the lords; but these accusations
either are general, or destroy one another. Sometimes, as in article
fifteenth, they intend to murder them by means of the mayor and city of
London; sometimes, as in article twenty-eighth, by trial and false
inquests; sometimes, as in article twenty-eighth, by means of the king of
France, who was to receive Calais for his pains.]