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Till wee come to this seaventh Chapter, I find not any thing
much blame-worthy, unlesse it be on ground he layes in the second
Chapter; whereupon hee builds most of this Fabrick, viz. That
Subjects must either be dallyed or flatterd withall, or quite
crusht. Whereby our Author advises his Prince to support his
authority with two Cardinall Vertues, Dissimulation, and Cruelty.
He considers not herein that the head is but a member of the body,
though the principall; and the end of the parts is the good of the
whole. And here he goes against himselfe in the twenty sixt Chapter
of his Rep. 1. 1. where hee blames Philip of Macedon for such
courses, terming them very cruell, and against all Christian manner
of living; and that every man should refuse to be a King, and
desire rather to live a private life, than to reigne so much to the
ruine of mankind. The life of Cæsar Borgia, which is here
given as a paterne to new Princes, we shall find to have been
nothing else but a cunning carriage of things so, that he might
thereby first deceive and inveigle, and then suppresse all those
that could oppose or hinder his ambition. For if you runne over his
life, you shall see the Father Pope Alexander the sixt and him,
both imbarqued for his advancement, wherein they engag'd the Papall
authority, and reputation of Religion; for faith and conscience
these men never knew, though they exacted it of others: there was
never promise made, but it was only so farre kept as servd for
advantage; Liberality was made use of: Clemency and Cruelty, all
alike, as they might serve to worke with their purposes. All was
sacrific'd to ambition; no friendship could tye these men, nor any
religion: and no marvell: for ambition made them forget both God
and man. But see the end of all this cunning: though this
Cæsar Borgia contrived all his businesse so warily, that our
Author much commends him, and hee had attaind neere the pitch of
his hopes, and had provided for each misadventure could befall him
its remedy; Policy shewd it selefe short-sighted; for hee foresaw
not at the time of his Fathers death, he himself should bee brought
unto deaths doore also. And me thinks this Example might have given
occasion to our Author to confesse, that surely there is a God that
ruleth the earth. And many {289} times God cutts off those cunning and
mighty men in the hight of their purposes, when they think they
have neare surmounted all dangers and difficulties. 'To the intent
that the living may know, that the most high ruleth in the Kingdome
of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will, and setteth up over it
the basest of men.' Daniel. 4. 17.
Concerning those who by wicked meanes have attaind to a
Principality.
ut because
a man becomes a Prince of a private man two wayes, which cannot
wholly be attributed either to Fortune or Vertue, I think not fit
to let them passe me: howbeit the one of them may be more largely
discoursed upon, where the Republicks are treated of. These are,
when by some wicked and unlawfull meanes a man rises to the
Principality; or when a private person by the favour of his fellow
Citizens becomes Prince of his countrey. And speaking of the first
manner, it shall be made evident by two Examples, the one ancient,
the other moderne, without entring otherwise into the justice or
merit of this part; for I take it that these are sufficient for any
body that is forc'd to follow them. Agathocles the Sicilian, not of
a private man onely, but from a base and abject fortune, got to be
King of Siracusa. This man borne but of a Potter, continued alwayes
a wicked life throughout all the degrees of this fortune:
neverthelesse he accompanied his lewdnesse with such a courage and
resolution, that applying himselfe to military affaires, by the
degrees thereof he attained to bee Prætour of Siracusa, and
being setled in that degree, and having determined that he would
become Prince, and hold that by violence and without obligation to
any other, which by consent had been granted him: and to this
purpose haveing had some private intelligence touching his designe
with {290} Amilcar the Carthaginian, who was
imployd with his army in Sicily, one morining gatherd the people
together and the Senate of Syracusa, as if he had some what to
advise with them of matters belonging to the Commonwealth, and upon
a signe given, caus'd his souldiers to kill his Senatours, and the
richest of the people; who being slaine, he usurp'd the
Principality of that City without any civill strife: and however he
was twice broken by the Carthaginians, and at last besieged, was
able not onely to defend his own City, but leaving part of his own
army at the defence thereof, with the other invaded Affrique, and
in a short time freed Siracusa from the siege, and brought the
Carthaginians into extreme necessity, who were constraind to accord
with him, be contented with the possession of Affrique, and quitt
Sicily to Agathocles. He then that should consider the actions and
valour of this man, would not see any, or very few things to be
attributed unto Fortune; seeing that as is formerly sayd, not by
any ones favour, but by the degrees of service in warre with many
sufferings and dangers, to which he had risen, he came to the
Principality; and that hee maintained afterwards with so many
resolute and hazardous undertakings. Yet cannot this be term'd
vertue or valour to slay his own Citizens, betray his friends, to
be without faith, without pitty, without religion, which wayes are
of force to gaine dominion, but not glory: for if Agathocles his
valour bee well weighd, in his enturing upon, and comming off from
dangers, and the greatnesse of his courage, in supporting and
mastering of adversities, no man can see why he should be thought
any way inferiour even to the ablest Captaines. Notwithstanding his
beastly cruelty and inhumanity with innumerable wickednesses, allow
not that he should be celebrated among the most excellent men. That
cannot then be attributed to Fortune or Vertue, which without the
one or the other was attaind to by him. In our dayes, while
Alexander the sixth held the sea, Oliverotte of Fermo, who some few
yeeres before had been left young by his parents, was brought up
under the care of an uncle of his on the {291} mothers
side, called John Foliani, and in the beginning of his youth given,
by him to serve in the warres under Paulo Vitelli: to the end that
being well instructed in that discipline, he might rise to some
worthy degree in the warrs. Afterwards when Paulo was dead, he
served under Vitellozzo his brother, and in very short time, being
ingenious, of a good personage, and brave courage, he became one of
the prime men among the troops he served in: but thinking it but
servile to depend upon another, he plotted by the ayd of some
Citizens of Fermo (who lik'd rather the thraldome of their City
than the liberty of it) and by the favour of the Vitelli, to make
himselfe master of Fermo; and writ to John Foliani, that having
been many yeeres from home, he had a mind to come and see him and
the City, and in some part take notice of his own patrimony; and
because he had not imployd himselfe but to purchase honour, to the
end his Citizens might perceive, that he had not vainely spent his
time, he had a desire to come in good equipage and accompanied with
a hundred horse of his friends and servants; and he intreated him
that he would be pleasd so to take order, that he might be
honourably received by the inhabitants of Fermo, which turnd as
well to his honor that was his uncle, as his that was the nephew.
In this, John faild not in any office of courtesie due to his
nephew: and caused him to be well receivd by them of Fermo, and
lodged him in his own house: where having passed some dayes, and
stayd to put in order somewhat that was necessary for his intended
villany, he made a very solemne feast, whether he invited John
Foliani, and all the prime men of Fermo: and when all their chear
was ended, and all their other entertainments, as in such feasts it
is customary, Oliverotto of purpose mov'd some grave discourses;
speaking of the greatnesse of Pope Alexander, and Cæsar his
son, and their undertakings; where unto John and the others making
answer, he of a sudden stood up, saying, that those were things to
be spoken of in a more secret place, and so retir'd into a chamber,
whether John and all the other Citizens followd him; nor were they
sooner {292} set downe there, than from some secret
place therein camp forth diverse souldiers, who slew John and all
the others: after which homicide Oliverotto got a horsebacke and
ravaged the whole towne, and besieged the supreme Magistrate in the
palace, so that for feare they were all constraind to obey him, and
to settle a government, whereof hee made himselfe Prince; and they
being all dead who, had they been discontented with him, could have
hurt him; he strengthned himselfe with new civill and military
orders, so that in the space of a yeer that he held the
Principality, he was not only secure in the City of Fermo, but
became fearefull to all his neighbours; and the conquest of him
would have prov'd difficult, as that of Agathocles, had he not let
himselfe been deceivd by Cæsar Borgia, when at Sinigallia, as
before was said, he took the Orsini and Vitelli: where he also
being taken a yeere after he had committed the parricide, was
strangled together with Vitellozzo (whome he had had for master
both of his vertues and vices.) Some man might doubt from whence it
should proceed, that Agathocles, and such like, after many
treacheries and crueltyes, could possibly live long secure in his
own countrey, and defend himselfe from his forrein enemies, and
that never any of his own Citizens conspir'd against him, seeing
that by means of cruelty, many others have never been able even in
peaceable times to maintaine their States, much lesse in the
doubtfull times of warre. I beleeve that this proceeds from the
well, or ill using of those cruelties: they may bee termd well us'd
(if it bee lawfull to say well of evill) that are put in practice
only once of necessity for securities sake, not insisting therein
afterwards; but there is use made of them for the subjects profit,
as much as may be. But those that are ill us'd, are such as though
they bee but few in the beginning, yet they multiply rather in
time, than diminish. They that take that first way, may with the
help of God, and mens care, find some remedy for their State, as
Agathocles did: for the others, it is impossible they should
continue. Whereupon it is to be noted, that in the laying
{293} hold of a State, the usurper thereof
ought to runne over and execute all his cruelties at once, that he
be not forced often to returne to them, and that he may be able, by
not renewing of them, to give men some security, and gaine their
affections by doing them some courtesies. Hee that carries it
otherwise, either for fearefullnesse, or upon evill advice, is
alwayes constraind to hold his sword drawne in his hand; nor ever
can hee rely upon his subjects, there being no possibility for
them, because of his daily and continuall injuries, to live in any
safety: for his injuries should bee done altogether, that being
seldomer tasted, they might lesse offend; his favours should bee
bestowd by little, and little to the end they might keep their
taste the better; and above all things a Prince must live with his
subjects in such sort, that no accident either of good or evill can
make him vary: for necessity comming upon him by reason of
adversities, thou hast not time given thee to make advantage of thy
cruelties; and the favours which then thou bestowest, will little
help thee, being taken as if they came from thee perforce, and so
yeeld no returne of thanks.
Of the Civill Principality.
